By Nat Hentoff
While battling the FBI's expanded surveillance guidelines, Sen. Russ
Feingold, D-Wis., also revealed (Daily Kos, Oct. 8) that in the Senate
Judiciary Committee review of the Patriot Act (also Oct. 8), Republicans
protecting the Act were joined, in a closed-door classified session, by Obama
officials with amendments further preserving it. Then, in a public session, all
but three Democrats voted for a watered-down "compromise" bill by Patrick Leahy
and Diane Feinstein.
Feingold, Dick Durbin, D-Ill., and new Democrat Arlen Specter (Pa.) had the
constitutional courage to oppose the Judiciary Committee bill eventually going
to the floor that, with few exceptions, leaves the Patriot Act intact. I'll be
reporting on the crucial fight to bring the Bill of Rights back into the Patriot
Act as Senate and House versions merge into a law to be signed by Obama as he
continues the Bush-Cheney legacy.
It was Feingold who, in October 2001, was the only member of the Senate to
vote against the original Patriot Act as, on the floor, he accurately predicted
our greatly weakened privacy, due process and other rights since then.
He is not giving up. "In the end," Feingold says. "Democrats have to decide
if they are going to stand up for the rights of the American people" or (for
recent example) "allow the FBI to write our laws."
As I have reported, the FBI is already writing our laws — without going to
any judge. How much have you seen about the FBI's locking up of the Fourth
Amendment on cable and broadcast television (from the right- or the left-leaning
stations) in newspapers, on the Internet or, of course, from the Democratic
Congressional leadership, Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi, characteristically
indifferent to the Bush-Cheney-Obama assaults on the Bill of Rights?
When were the first FBI guidelines on domestic surveillance and why? In the
1970s, Sen. Frank Church of Idaho, chairman of a Senate Committee on
Intelligence Activities, exposed FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover's COINTELPRO
(Counter-intelligence Program) as an omnivorous surveillance operation that
aimed squarely at preventing Americans "exercise of First Amendment rights of
speech and association."
If Big Brother is always watching you, you become careful of what you say and
with whom you associate.
The Church committee's revelations resulted in the then-attorney general,
Edward Levi (a former professor of constitutional law), and Congressman Don
Edwards formulating the first FBI guidelines specifically faithful to the
Constitution.
When I was reporting on Edwards' congressional service (1962 to 1995), I
often described him as the "The Congressman from the Constitution." As chairman
of the House Subcommittee on Civil and Constitutional Rights, Edwards, a former
FBI agent, set standards for congressional oversight of the FBI. Under
Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, these standards have become
obsolete.
"No federal agency," said Congressman Edwards, "the CIA, the IRS, or the FBI,
can be at the same time policeman, prosecutor, judge and jury. That is what
constitutionally guaranteed due process is all about. It may sometimes be
disorderly and unsatisfactory to some, but it is the essence of freedom."
The Constitution, Edwards continued, does not permit "federal interference"
with Americans' speech or associations, and other such citizen constitutional
rights, "except through the criminal justice system, armed with its ancient
safeguards." Like mandated judicial supervision — absent from current Obama
administration FBI surveillance guidelines.
Edwards regarded as "subversive" the "notion that any public official — the
president or a policeman — possesses a kind of inherent power to set aside the
Constitution whenever he thinks the public interest, or 'national security'
warrants it."
Don Edwards represented the Constitution we are losing.
Any of the Senate or House members representing you? Unhesitatingly, I
nominate Sen. Russ Feingold of Wisconsin.
It was in 2002 that I asked Don Edwards what he thought of the then
Bush-Cheney definition of the Bill of Rights. "Locking people up," he began,
"citizens or noncitizens, without being charged and without access to a lawyer
is wrong." But our Nobel Prize-winning President Obama is seriously considering
"permanent detention" of terrorism suspects who cannot be tried in court because
of the tortures they have undergone under American custody. This same president
does not object to the current warrantless FBI surveillance of Americans without
evidence, for reasons of "national security."
See the article at Cato's website.
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OPINION:Nat Hentoff on America's War Against the Constitution
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Feingold? I'm not impressed.
He's any man's dog who will hunt with him.
The Cato Institute should get a clue. The Constitution hasn't been gutted by Congress, but by the Courts.
We aren't losing, we've lost. The Constitution is perhaps the most concise, unambigous, easily understood body of law in existence. There is NOTHING to "interpret". Yet, for over two hundred years, the most important issues of the day are often decided by a vote of 5 to 4. To the deciding vote, the caster enjoys the power of kings, unbounded and without limit. They are accountable to no one and are, like kings, appointed for life. By all rights, in application of the Constitution to any given case, it should be a rare event that even one vote is in dissent, let alone 4. One case at a time our rights have been chipped away until nothing is left.
- Don Earl
November 2, 2009 10:43PM
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Have You Read The Constitution?
You basically just don't like it when people disagree with your interpretation of a law is what you are saying since no one seriously thinks the constitution isn't vague.
I'd be curious to know how you reconcile the notion that our constitution is "the most concise, unambiguous, easily understood body of law in existence" with the greatly vague notions of our constitution.
To demonstrate my point, I'm going to use a random number generator to find one of the Bill of Rights and one of the articles and illustrate how vague our constitution is.
Articles of the Constitution ... #4: Hm. So, how does the full faith and credit clause deal with judgments against an individual in one state (say South Carolina) and try to enforce it another state (say Georgia), when Georgia's statue of limitations barred such judgments. You can't give both full faith and credit to one state while denying that of another. So, here we have a constitutional question our constitution gives no clear answer too (this was decided in McElmoyle v. Cohen btw). What exactly are "privileges and immunities"? Nobody really knows. On the Federal property of territory clause, do insular areas apply, when it is clear these were never considered by our founders? What exactly defines a "Republic Form of Government" since we have dozens of forms of republican government that could be used. Did the founders intend for the states to use the Republic structure designed at the federal level or not?
Bill of Rights ... #5: So, what exactly constitutes "public danger" and who has the authority to determine whether public danger exists? What exactly is an "infamous crime "? It clearly doesn't mean capital-offenses since the 5th Amendment specifically mentions them, so what exactly are they? If a jury or judge is bribed to obtain an acquittal, does double jeopardy protect against re-trial or do we invoke the 6th Amendments impartial jury line to nullify this arguing he did not have the right to that trial because it was not impartial? What exactly is "just compensation" for the purposes of eminent domain? Is it what the owner believe is just? What the government believes is just? Or what an independent estimate believes is just?
So, our constitution isn't vague and not open to interpretation ? Sure ....
- caelum
November 3, 2009 12:31PM
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Not vague
Across the board, the Constitution is designed to protect the rights of the people and to limit the power of government . In that context, none of it is vague and every single issue related to it may be decided on a unanimous basis.
Double jeopardy resulting from a corrupt judge? Quite obviously, the Constitution's authors did not vest the judiciary with the unlimited power necessary to engage in that level of tyranny. If you don't know what "infamous" means, you can look it up in a dictionary.
"Value" may be subjective, but "fair value" is not. It is subject to a precise definition and may be discovered.
"Public danger" is not subject to misinterpretation in the context of the Constitution by anyone not acting the fool. Furthermore, it is adequately clarified as being on par with a surprise attack by an invading host of hostile forces.
The bottom line is there is virtually nothing in the Constitution that is subject to misinterpretation by anyone fluent in the English language, and who is not engaged in frivilous interpretations of the same.
- Don Earl
November 3, 2009 3:09PM
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Not going to bother
I'm not going to bother trying to counter your argument since its frivolous. Your position is nonsense since you assume everyone interprets a situation exactly the same and so would reach the same conclusion about everything based on subjective wording. You apparently live in a mythical land where there is no disagreement about subjective situations.
- caelum
November 4, 2009 11:55AM
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