Where Should the Moral Dividing Line Fall?
The sort of argumentative challenge used to discuss whether
or not torture can be justifiable often takes the form of the classic “ticking
bomb” scenario. It usually goes
something like this:
“Let’s assume that you are the
President, facing a terrible situation. You know there is a nuclear weapon hidden in New York City and about to
explode, but the federal government has in its custody the leader of the terrorist
gang that planted it. Your agents still
have a chance to find and disarm the weapon if he divulges the location. Would it be justified to torture him in
order to extract this vital information?”
Thus phrased, the question is designed to make it very
appealing to answer “yes.” Many reasonable
and moral people, one suspects, would choose to torture a murderous terrorist
rather than see millions of innocent fellow-citizens slaughtered.
Part of
what makes an affirmative answer tempting, however, is the artificiality of the
given premises: you know there’s a
bomb that will explode if you do
nothing, you know you can stop it if
the terrorist ringleader divulges the location, and you are also apparently
sure that he knows the weapon’s
location. In the real world, of course, you probably wouldn’t be able to have
such certainties – and that makes the issue rather more complicated. You may
have intelligence reports that there’s a bomb, and some sensor readings may
show that a suitable quantity of fissile material passed through some port of entry
last week. But is an intelligence analyst’s “high confidence” assessment the
same thing as a certainty? Does this terrorist in fact actually know the
weapons’ location? Would he reveal it if tortured? And can you stop an
explosion in time even if he did?
Only those who would answer “no” in
response to the initial hypothetical would be untroubled by this additional
complexity: it would merely reinforce their unwillingness to engage in torture.
For the rest, however, such real-world complications must at some point become
problematic. Assuming, for the sake of argument, that it would be moral to
respond “yes” to the question as originally posed, how much degradation of
certainty would transform this morality into barbarism? My guess is that most people
would not find torture justified if there were only a remote chance that using it would prevent the explosion – or, in a
different hypothetical situation, if there were a high chance of preventing
harm but the evil in question were much less grave – but where should the moral
dividing line fall in the grayer zone between these boundary cases?
This
insight into the potential impact of complexity and uncertainty upon such moral
balancing acts points us toward a better understanding how the Bush Administration
appears to have tried to deal with the issue of draconian “coercive”
interrogation techniques such as “waterboarding,” and what seems to have gone
wrong.

Gay Gardner,
i dissagree with your position on torture. I do agree torture is an issue of morality though and at some point you need to draw a line. For example if the u.s. was to capture a well known terrorist that they knew had plans to kill u.s. citizens we would be in the right for torturing him to gain this information. Why should a terrorist have the rights of u.s. citizens? He has no intentions of conforming to our laws so why sould we give him/her rights? We would be in the wrong however if the government decided to torture innocent civilians at will for petty crimes. The line should be drawn at the point at which live would be lost.
when a criminal commits a crime, they can forfeigt rights which only US citizens have: the right to vote. Rights in the constitution are not just rights but also privilages. And you gain privilages by being a good person and not commiting acts of wrong doing. Terrorists, in my opinion, forfeigt these said "privilages" when they murder innocents.
This argument show exactly what's wrong with permitting torture in any circumstances. The example illustrates the artificiality of the ticking bomb scenario. It is extraordinarily unlikely that the answers to all the questions posed here could be known to the interrogator. Therefore, it is folly to base a policy governing detainee treatment on such an unlikely hypothetical. The use of torture cannot be fine-tuned in the way this argument implies. It is too slippery a slope. If torture is acceptable when a terrorist attack is known to be imminent, why not allow torture in slightly less urgent circumstances? Once you start down this road, there is no place to draw a clear bright line between acceptable torture and unacceptable torture. In fact, none of the cases in which we know torture has been used have been ticking bomb situations.
This is why torture must be banned in all circumstances. If an interrogator truly believes torture is required in order to save millions of New Yorkers, then he must be willing to risk paying a criminal penalty for using it. If he turns out to be right, he probably wouldn't be prosecuted. If he turns out to be wrong, he should be punished. Otherwise, the expressed desire to save lives would turn into a license to torture.
Gay Gardner
"Art, like morality, consists in drawing the line somewhere."
Airdale