The sort of argumentative challenge used to discuss whether
or not torture can be justifiable often takes the form of the classic “ticking
bomb” scenario. It usually goes
something like this:
“Let’s assume that you are the
President, facing a terrible situation. You know there is a nuclear weapon hidden in New York City and about to
explode, but the federal government has in its custody the leader of the terrorist
gang that planted it. Your agents still
have a chance to find and disarm the weapon if he divulges the location. Would it be justified to torture him in
order to extract this vital information?”
Thus phrased, the question is designed to make it very
appealing to answer “yes.” Many reasonable
and moral people, one suspects, would choose to torture a murderous terrorist
rather than see millions of innocent fellow-citizens slaughtered.
Part of
what makes an affirmative answer tempting, however, is the artificiality of the
given premises: you know there’s a
bomb that will explode if you do
nothing, you know you can stop it if
the terrorist ringleader divulges the location, and you are also apparently
sure that he knows the weapon’s
location. In the real world, of course, you probably wouldn’t be able to have
such certainties – and that makes the issue rather more complicated. You may
have intelligence reports that there’s a bomb, and some sensor readings may
show that a suitable quantity of fissile material passed through some port of entry
last week. But is an intelligence analyst’s “high confidence” assessment the
same thing as a certainty? Does this terrorist in fact actually know the
weapons’ location? Would he reveal it if tortured? And can you stop an
explosion in time even if he did?
Only those who would answer “no” in
response to the initial hypothetical would be untroubled by this additional
complexity: it would merely reinforce their unwillingness to engage in torture.
For the rest, however, such real-world complications must at some point become
problematic. Assuming, for the sake of argument, that it would be moral to
respond “yes” to the question as originally posed, how much degradation of
certainty would transform this morality into barbarism? My guess is that most people
would not find torture justified if there were only a remote chance that using it would prevent the explosion – or, in a
different hypothetical situation, if there were a high chance of preventing
harm but the evil in question were much less grave – but where should the moral
dividing line fall in the grayer zone between these boundary cases?
This
insight into the potential impact of complexity and uncertainty upon such moral
balancing acts points us toward a better understanding how the Bush Administration
appears to have tried to deal with the issue of draconian “coercive”
interrogation techniques such as “waterboarding,” and what seems to have gone
wrong.